That wasn’t the case with the industrialists. Within 30 years of the train arriving, affluent east coast Americans like Dr. Lucius Sheldon, or the Guggenheim brothers, started leaving their impression. But it wasn’t just the elites who were able to make an impact. Foreign immigrants like Felix Brunchswig (of Alsace-Lorraine) or Adolf Schwartz (of Hungary) would play a vital role in shaping El Paso’s retail experience, opening the White House and Popular Dry Goods, respectively. Even the Chinese –– who were tormented, segregated, and smuggled-in evolved from the railroad laborers to laundry operators. In August of 1883, an exaggerated report claimed “there is a Chinese laundry for every two families in El Paso.”

One noticeably absent group from early pioneering tales are Paseños. If there were already 10,000 people across the river nine years before the train arrived, did they all just vanish? Early economists and sociologists were quick to diagnose Catholicism as a contributing factor. In 1907, Max Weber championed the idea that it was the “Protestant work ethic” which was responsible for the acceptance and participation of capitalism by Anglos. Protestant Reformist, Martin Luther, “reconceptualized” work as a duty which benefited both the individual and society. Thus, Catholic tenants which assert “good works” alone can not “buy” a way into heaven, put more reliance on faith, grace, or involuntary submission.
The speed and fury in which the robber barons were able to convert El Paso del Norte was their lasting contribution. It took Spain 100 years to (officially) make it this far, and even then, they initially continued on their way. By that time, most of the world –– and possibly the conquistadors themselves –– might have had a waning excitement about America. When you begin your journey by tasting pineapples, cashews, or tobacco for the first time, it becomes a tough act to follow.

By the time Oñate crossed into San Elizario, the silver mines controlled by Spain were already producing 16 million pesos worth of value, annually. By some calculations, during the 16th century the Spanish Empire would expel the modern equivalent of $2.94 trillion dollars of Cemanahuac silver and gold [while releasing thousands of metric tons of mercury into the environment]. From Oñate’s perspective, it would’ve either taken finding El Dorado –– or violent battles (with royal intervention) to stop his caravan. Luckily, the former motivation helped El Paso del Norte natives, and the latter consequence helped natives above Santa Fe.

Even by the time God found his way here in 1659, the Franciscans were a little more tolerant. The Mesoamericans who were flocking to Tepeyac (and possibly confusing the Virgen de Guadalupe with their Aztec “Mother Earth” goddess Tonantzin (toe-nahn-sin), were easier to convert. But the northern Chichimeca (chee-chee-mek-ah) were even considered “primitive savages” to the Aztecs. So by the time Catholic priests started entering El Paso del Norte, they must’ve been satisfied with at least partial indoctrination. The more colonized settlements of Chihuahua and Santa Fe would be home to larger religious communities and more churches, while most Paseños initially joined the church as a means of survival.
The speed and fury in which the robber barons were able to convert El Paso del Norte was their lasting contribution. It took Spain 100 years to (officially) make it this far, and even then, they initially continued on their way. By that time, most of the world –– and possibly the conquistadors themselves –– might have had a waning excitement about America. When you begin your journey by tasting pineapples, cashews, or tobacco for the first time, it becomes a tough act to follow.

By the time Oñate crossed into San Elizario, the silver mines controlled by Spain were already producing 16 million pesos worth of value, annually. By some calculations, during the 16th century the Spanish Empire would expel the modern equivalent of $2.94 trillion dollars of Cemanahuac silver and gold [while releasing thousands of metric tons of mercury into the environment]. From Oñate’s perspective, it would’ve either taken finding El Dorado –– or violent battles (with royal intervention) to stop his caravan. Luckily, the former motivation helped El Paso del Norte natives, and the latter consequence helped natives above Santa Fe.

Even by the time God found his way here in 1659, the Franciscans were a little more tolerant. The Mesoamericans who were flocking to Tepeyac (and possibly confusing the Virgen de Guadalupe with their Aztec “Mother Earth” goddess Tonantzin (toe-nahn-sin), were easier to convert. But the northern Chichimeca (chee-chee-mek-ah) were even considered “primitive savages” to the Aztecs. So by the time Catholic priests started entering El Paso del Norte, they must’ve been satisfied with at least partial indoctrination. The more colonized settlements of Chihuahua and Santa Fe would be home to larger religious communities and more churches, while most Paseños initially joined the church as a means of survival.

That wasn’t the case with the industrialists. Within 30 years of the train arriving, affluent east coast Americans like Dr. Lucius Sheldon, or the Guggenheim brothers, started leaving their impression. But it wasn’t just the elites who were able to make an impact. Foreign immigrants like Felix Brunchswig (of Alsace-Lorraine) or Adolf Schwartz (of Hungary) would play a vital role in shaping El Paso’s retail experience, opening the White House and Popular Dry Goods, respectively. Even the Chinese –– who were tormented, segregated, and smuggled-in evolved from the railroad laborers to laundry operators. In August of 1883, an exaggerated report claimed “there is a Chinese laundry for every two families in El Paso.”

One noticeably absent group from early pioneering tales are Paseños. If there were already 10,000 people across the river nine years before the train arrived, did they all just vanish? Early economists and sociologists were quick to diagnose Catholicism as a contributing factor. In 1907, Max Weber championed the idea that it was the “Protestant work ethic” which was responsible for the acceptance and participation of capitalism by Anglos. Protestant Reformist, Martin Luther, “reconceptualized” work as a duty which benefited both the individual and society. Thus, Catholic tenants which assert “good works” alone can not “buy” a way into heaven, put more reliance on faith, grace, or involuntary submission.

While many have argued against these concepts throughout the 20th century, they still remain a relevant talking point for some. I’d like to propose another theory. It’s not that locals, Mexicans, or Catholics are poor because they didn’t embrace capitalism, it might be the opposite. Fundamentally, capitalism needs a bottom-tier, working-class to function. The Catholics who colonized the New World probably contributed more to global capitalism than any other civilization before it. They controlled the market on revolutionary products they didn’t create. The people of Cemanahuac were the producers, slaves, and workers who made it all possible. The Spanish caste made it sustainable: despite 20 million indigenous deaths during the colonization, Peninsulares were still only about 10% of the population by the 1800’s. By the time Criollos and Mexicans got to enterprise more freely [i.e. Ponce de León] their land was about to be over run by people with contradictory ideals –– like slavery, which they were barely getting over themselves.

So the early top-tiers of local capitalists probably went back south to Chihuahua, north to Santa Fe, or west to help build California. Those who were unable to leave El Paso del Norte were not slow to adopt capitalism, there were just few opportunities to be anything other than the working-class. Most of their early success was just fueling the momentary escapism market that was in their possession. On the northern side, the mix of Anglos, immigrants, or first-born American “pioneers” simply absorbed the working class left behind. Paseños without their own businesses or way to survive became maids, craftsmen, or laborers. With access to outside resources (like generational wealth, banks, lending, etc.), the quick early growth by non-native settlers enabled a stronghold of the free-market. It would also create a nuanced, local class-system, and create dynastic families that would shape the region for generations.

'Foreign Concepts'

While many have argued against these concepts throughout the 20th century, they still remain a relevant talking point for some. I’d like to propose another theory. It’s not that locals, Mexicans, or Catholics are poor because they didn’t embrace capitalism, it might be the opposite. Fundamentally, capitalism needs a bottom-tier, working-class to function. The Catholics who colonized the New World probably contributed more to global capitalism than any other civilization before it. They controlled the market on revolutionary products they didn’t create. The people of Cemanahuac were the producers, slaves, and workers who made it all possible. The Spanish caste made it sustainable: despite 20 million indigenous deaths during the colonization, Peninsulares were still only about 10% of the population by the 1800’s. By the time Criollos and Mexicans got to enterprise more freely [i.e. Ponce de León] their land was about to be over run by people with contradictory ideals –– like slavery, which they were barely getting over themselves.

So the early top-tiers of local capitalists probably went back south to Chihuahua, north to Santa Fe, or west to help build California. Those who were unable to leave El Paso del Norte were not slow to adopt capitalism, there were just few opportunities to be anything other than the working-class. Most of their early success was just fueling the momentary escapism market that was in their possession. On the northern side, the mix of Anglos, immigrants, or first-born American “pioneers” simply absorbed the working class left behind. Paseños without their own businesses or way to survive became maids, craftsmen, or laborers. With access to outside resources (like generational wealth, banks, lending, etc.), the quick early growth by non-native settlers enabled a stronghold of the free-market. It would also create a nuanced, local class-system, and create dynastic families that would shape the region for generations.